etterwhole

This weeks Time magazine cover story which describes the Prime Minister as "Indias Divider in Chief" does touch on the lack of a strong opposition to the BJP poster boy: "Modi is lucky to be blessed with so weak an opposition - a ragtag coalition of parties, led by the Congress, with no agenda other than to defeat him." Post Pulwama, the saffron campaign has not shied away from evoking the fear factor among the voters. The arithmetic of changing caste equations in UP and the high-octane emotions in rural India between the politics of majoritarianism and minoritysm, notwithstanding..Are there signs of desperation in the party? Officially a big "no" is the answer."

Analysts say however that its clearly a move to shift the narrative in Punjab away from the deep anti-Akali Dal sentiment and whip up anti-Congress feelings among the Sikhs, both in Delhi as well as in Punjab, where the Congress chief minister Capt. "When you earn your first salary, usually you don’t keep it for yourself. The economy is expanding but not creating enough jobs, while farmers are struggling with debt and rising غير مجاز مي باشدts. Similarly, can you dedicate your vote for the Balakot strike, for the Pulwama attack victims." But at a time when worry lines on the saffron forehead were getting deeper, the Pulwama attack happened. Fear of terrorism, fear of minorities changing the demography of the country, fear of losing national pride, were all aggressively stoked by the BJP. Leading the saffron charge, Prime Minister Narendra Modi sought votes in the name of Pulwama martyrs. The BJP justified the attack where it blamed Rajiv Gandhi for instigating the anti-Sikh riots in the aftermath of the assassination of Indira Gandhi, by claiming that it was the PMs response to Rahul Gandhis barb - "chowkidar chor hai.1 percent, higher than the previous high reached in 1972-1973.By all accounts, while Congress leader Mani Shankar Aiyars labelling of Modi as a "chaiwalla" was a game changer for the BJP in 2014, PM Modis attack on Rahul by shaming his father and former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi with a "Your father was termed ‘Mr China brass signs Suppliers Clean’ by his courtiers, but his life ended as ‘Bhrashtachari No:1" could be equally cataclysmic and possibly boomerang."In an article entitled In the world’s biggest election, India’s Narendra Modi pushes fear over hope, the Washington Post sums up the Indian voters dilemma: "Five years later, those lofty expectations have not been met. You want to dedicate it to your mother or sister."

But, given the complete absence of a discernible pro-Modi wave that buoyed the then Gujarat chief minister to Delhi in 2014, whether the lack of a strong opposition will power the prime minister back to Lok Kalyan Marg, with the numbers needed to form a government, is the question. Much like President Trump, Modi, 68, is both polarizing and charismatic.In the past five years, the governments track record has been less than stellar. Feeding into that trope is the other persistent narrative that Brand Modi has a hold on the young and that this voter base backs the prime minister with the "India is safe under Chowkidar Narendra Modi" despite the rise of terrorist activities between 2014 to 2019. The government has officially denied the data, claiming this was "not verified.Either way, with the help of a high-pitched and aggressive campaign that stokes nationalism and anti-minoritysm, BJP has attempted to avoid the debate on unemployment, agrarian distress and the Rafale controversy. Much depends on whether Modi can persuade Indian voters to focus on nationalist pride rather than bread-and-butter issues in a campaign based less on hope than on fear. But a section of saffron watchers feel that the Prime Ministers resorting to low rhetoric by launching personal attacks on Congress president Rahul Gandhi could be a "sign of desperation".

And if polarisation and muscular nationalism translate into votes, therell be no stopping the Modi juggernaut. A survey, conducted by the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) between July 2017 and June 2018, showed that the unemployment rate stood at 6. While these could possibly be signs of desperation, with 118 seats still to go for polls in the next two phases, on the surface, the BJP exudes confidence and claims brand Modi will get them nearly 300 seats.. The saffron-run social media is, working round the clock to project the "Modi wave," "300 seats in the bag" line." But unemployment, acute agrarian distress, price rise and the economic slowdown have virtually shattered BJPs 2014 slogan of "Achhe Din" and "Vikas. In all the five of the seven phases of elections "fear over hope" resonated at rally after saffron rally. The Congress counter is that Punjab and other border states who will be the first to pay the price in any war, see this differently from the young in the cities.The February 14 attack in which 40 CRPF personnel were killed was the turnaround moment for the BJP, struggling for an issue to shift the goalposts... Amarinder Singh has successfully seen off the BJP